This year's forum, Arctic: Today and the Future, was held for the 14th time. The event was named after its legendary pioneer, polar explorer Artur Chilingarov. As outlined in the programme, the priority of the event focused on a 'human-centred' Arctic.
Although the event did not bring much breaking news and played a more conclusive role for the Arctic this year, there are indications that Russia is striving to update its Arctic policy and has taken a domestic turn in policy development.
As mentioned, the programme focused on a 'human-centred' Arctic. This framework has effectively generated two lines of discussion: social and economic matters. The social aspect was represented primarily from the standpoint of strategic planning, regional governance, demographic programmes, etc.
An interesting emphasis on the individual in the Arctic was evident in the numerous culture-related events at the venue, including blogging in the Arctic, 'creative human capital', cinema, and theatre.
During the plenary session, Alexander Moiseyev, Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Navy, repeatedly mentioned that the Western bloc is increasing its presence in the region. The growing confrontation was highlighted several times.
The U.S., de facto, has included the Arctic within NATO's zone of responsibility. Statements from military command demonstrate an intention to prevent Russia from dominating the region by any means, including the use of military power.
It is not difficult to identify the sources of inspiration for such remarks—recent Canadian Arctic foreign policy and this year's U.S. Arctic strategy were certainly analysed with great attention. A notable point that has not frequently appeared in discourse before is the idea that the Northern Sea Route constitutes a part of Russia's sovereignty—a possible reaction to the Canadian approach to security in the North.
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The attention of Russian officials appears to be increasingly directed towards domestic matters. The Northern Sea Route (NSR), particularly its expanded version that extends to the Baltic, serves as a top project for Russia and remains one of the main incentives for the country's development.
This is further evidenced by the number of sessions dedicated to the development of the NSR—three sessions took place in the largest hall of the event. The Arctic Century has previously elaborated on the idea of the Big NSR which was at the time only a concept.
Compared to other events this year, the Chilingarov Forum focused much less on international matters in the Arctic. Although the event included a dedicated Russian-Chinese session, the presence of international partners in the forum's agenda seemed to be diminished, reflecting the domestic emphasis outlined in the programme.
Speeches from foreign partners, especially those from India and China, were rather formal and appeared primarily aimed at reassuring that cooperation between the countries will continue, without revealing anything substantial.
It is worth noting that a Russian-Chinese assurance system for NSR navigation was mentioned, but only as something that could be realised in the distant future.
The main purpose of the forum was clearly to accumulate new ideas to update the future legal framework for the Arctic. As stated by the organisers, the final resolution is expected to be 'of book length'—recommendations from participants will be accepted until 30th December. The resolutions from previous years can be seen here: 2023, 2022, 2021.
It can be inferred that the new Russian strategy for the Arctic will be broader and will serve as a response to recent advancements by Western countries.
Dmitry Tarasov
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